A U.S. military refuelling plane crashed in Iraq, killing 4. Here’s what to know.

The U.S. Central Command, which oversees the Middle East, said the crash followed an unspecified incident involving two aircraft in “friendly airspace,” and that the other plane landed safely.

Here’s what is known so far about the tanker, which is the fourth publicly acknowledged U.S. aircraft to crash during the war against Iran:
The KC-135 is a long-serving tanker plane

The KC-135 Stratotanker is a U.S. Air Force aircraft used to refuel other planes in midair, allowing them to travel longer distances and maintain operations longer without landing. The plane is also used to transport wounded personnel during medical evacuations or conduct surveillance missions, according to military experts.

Based on the same design as the Boeing 707 passenger plane, the tanker has been in service for more than 60 years, supporting the U.S. Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps as well as allied aircraft, according to an Air Force description. The aging plane is set to be phased out as the air force receives a full complement of next-generation KC-46A Pegasus tankers.

Despite upgrades over the years, the KC-135s’ age has fueled concern about their reliability and durability.

“The last of these planes were produced in the 1960s,” said Yang Uk, a security expert at South Korea’s Asan Institute for Policy Studies. He added that the transition to the KC-46A has progressed more slowly than expected.

According to the Congressional Research Service, the Air Force last year had 376 KC-135s, including 151 on active duty, 163 in the Air National Guard and 62 in the Air Force Reserve.

A basic KC-135 crew has three people: a pilot, co-pilot and boom operator. Nurses and medical technicians are added in aeromedical evacuation missions.

Refuelling typically happens at the back of the plane, where the boom operator is located. A fuel boom is lowered to connect with fighters, bombers or other aircraft. On many of the planes, the boom operator works lying face down while looking out of a window on the underside of the plane.

Some KC-135s can also refuel planes from pods on their wings. The tankers also have room above the fuel stores to carry cargo or passengers if needed.

Refuelling tankers could play an increasingly important role if the Iran war drags on, as U.S. aircraft may need to fly longer missions to pursue Iranian forces retreating deeper into the country, said Yang.

Cause of crash and condition of crew not immediately known

The U.S. Central Command said four of the six crewmembers on board the crashed KC-135 have been confirmed dead and that rescue efforts are continuing. It said the circumstances of the crash are under investigation but that the loss of the aircraft was “not due to hostile or friendly fire.”

A U.S. official, who also spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the developing situation, said the other plane involved was also a KC-135. Yechiel Leiter, the Israeli ambassador to the U.S., wrote on X that the other plane landed safely in Israel.

Yang said it would be rare for a refuelling tanker to be downed by enemy fire because such operations are usually conducted in the rear of combat zones.

The crash came after three U.S. F-15E fighter jets were mistakenly downed last week by friendly Kuwaiti fire.
Past accidents

KC-135s have previously been involved in several fatal accidents. The most recent occurred on May 3, 2013, when a KC-135R crashed after takeoff south of Chaldovar, Kyrgyzstan, while supporting the war in Afghanistan.

In that crash, the crew experienced problems with the plane’s rudder, according to a U.S. Air Force investigation. While they struggled to stabilize the plane, the tail section broke away and the plane exploded midair, killing all three crewmembers onboard.

The most serious mid-air collision involving the plane happened in 1966, when a B-52 bomber carrying nuclear bombs struck a tanker near Palomares, Spain.

The accident caused the tanker to crash, killing four onboard. The disaster led to an extensive decontamination effort to clean up nuclear material dispersed when conventional explosives in the hydrogen bombs detonated after hitting the ground.

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Kim Tong-hyung And Adam Schreck, The Associated Press

Schreck reported from Bangkok. AP writers Ben Finley and Konstantin Toropin in Washington contributed.

US sanctions on Rwanda may be bad news for Mozambique’s natural gas future.

Losing Security

There’s never a good time to get slapped with US sanctions, much less when crucial European Union donor support is due for renewal.

The stakes are even higher when the penalties have a direct bearing on the viability of an emerging African natural-gas export hub that’s suddenly escalated in strategic importance in the wake of the Iran war, and is key to transform one of the world’s poorest nations.

Rwandan forces and Mozambique are confronting exactly that.

Kigali’s army has been punished by Washington for backing rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in defiance of a US-backed peace agreement. Now, sources say the EU won’t extend the €20 million it’s directed to help the soldiers fight an Islamic State-linked insurgency in northern Mozambique.
EU Funding for Rwandan Forces in Mozambique to End

Rwandan Army Helping Combat Insurgency in Mozambique

The Rwandans have been key to driving militants away from about $50 billion in gas projects led by European and American companies in Cabo Delgado province.

When the troops arrived in 2021, Islamic State’s local affiliate was running rampant, forcing TotalEnergies to abandon its site on what was Africa’s biggest private investment. With security now improved, the French energy giant announced in January that construction would resume.

The dilemma is indicative of the complexities of the various wars raging across the world, and the web of conflicting objectives in the race for African commodities.

While the Rwandans are crucial to protecting gas investments in Mozambique, the US accuses the army’s actions of hindering peace — and access to critical minerals — in Congo.

The insurgents are down but certainly not out in northern Mozamibque.

With debt rising in Kigali, the Rwandan troops are unlikely to stand as security guards forever, especially with Mozambique facing a deep fiscal crisis.

#South_Africa :Khampepe correct to refuse #Ramaphosa’s ‘illegal’ instruction to step down – commission

#NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — More than two dozen Doctors Without Borders workers remain unaccounted for a month after attacks in South Sudan, the medical charity said.

Two facilities operated by the group, known by French acronym MSF, were attacked on Feb. 3 in Jonglei State, northeast of the capital, Juba, where violence has displaced an estimated 280,000 people since December.

A hospital in the town of Lankien was bombed by government forces, MSF said, while another medical facility in the town of Pieri was raided by “unknown assailants.” Both were located in opposition-held areas.

Staff working at the two facilities fled alongside much of the local population into deeply rural areas where armed clashes and aerial bombardments were ongoing.

MSF said in a statement on Monday that “26 of 291 of our colleagues working in Lankien and Pieri remain unaccounted for.

“We have lost contact with them amid ongoing insecurity,” it said.

The lack of communication with its staff could be linked to the limited network connectivity in much of the state. Staff members who had been contacted described “destruction, violence and extreme hardships.”

Fighting escalated sharply in December, when opposition forces captured a string of government outposts in north central Jonglei. In January, the government responded with a counteroffensive that recaptured most of the area it had lost.

Displaced people in Akobo, an opposition-held town near the Ethiopian border, described horrific violence by government fighters. Many described not being able to find food or water as they walked for days to reach safety.

The attacks on facilities operated by #MSF in Lankien and Pieri are part of an uptick in violence on humanitarian staff, supplies and infrastructure, aid groups say. Facilities operated by MSF have been attacked 10 times in the last 12 months.

“This violence has taken an unbearable toll not only on health care services, but on the very people who kept them running,” said Yashovardhan, MSF head of mission in South Sudan, who only uses one name.

“Medical workers must never be targets,” he said. “We are deeply concerned about what has happened to our colleagues and the communities we serve.”

The Associated Press

THE #RWANDA DEFENCE FORCE: SUPPORTING ARMED REBELLION IN EASTERN DRC

The Rwanda Defence Force has provided direct operational support to M23 and its affiliates. The RDF has introduced advanced military equipment to the battlefield in eastern DRC, including GPS jamming systems, air defense equipment, drones, and additional materiel. Thousands of RDF troops are deployed across eastern DRC, where they actively engage in combat operations and facilitate M23’s control of territory. The RDF also provides training to M23 fighters at RDF military centers and supports its recruitment efforts, including the recruitment of refugees.

With support from the RDF, M23 has engaged in extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and torture. In January 2025, the RDF carried out attacks against Congolese armed forces, the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC, and defensive positions of the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC. In exchange for its support for M23, Rwanda has gained access to mineral-rich areas of eastern DRC that contribute to the financing of M23’s armed rebellion.

Vincent Nyakarundi (Nyakarundi), a Rwandan national, is the Army Chief of Staff of the RDF. Nyakarundi is a senior commander of the Rwandan Army’s land forces, which have conducted military operations in support of M23.

Ruki Karusisi (Karusisi), a Rwandan national, is a major general and commander of the RDF’s 5th Infantry Division. He was previously a Special Operations Force Commander and oversaw military operations in support of M23.

Mubarakh Muganga (Muganga), a Rwandan national, is the RDF’s Chief of Defence Staff. Before being appointed to this role in June 2023, Muganga served as the RDF’s Army Chief of Staff, during which time he played a key role in planning operations and commanding RDF forces in eastern DRC.

Stanislas Gashugi (Gashugi), a Rwandan national, was appointed as the RDF’s Special Operations Force Commander on March 15, 2025, replacing Karusisi.

The RDF is being designated pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13413, as amended by E.O. 13671, for being responsible for or complicit in, or having engaged in, directly or indirectly, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of the DRC; and for having materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, logistical, or technological support for, or goods or services in support of M23. Nyakarundi, Karusisi, Muganga, and Gashugi are being designated pursuant to E.O. 13413, as amended, for being leaders of the RDF, an entity that has, or whose members have, been responsible for or complicit in, or has engaged in, directly or indirectly, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of the DRC.
SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS

As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the designated or blocked persons described above that are in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, individually or in the aggregate, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked. Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of blocked persons.

Violations of U.S. sanctions may result in the imposition of civil or criminal penalties on U.S. and foreign persons. Non-U.S. persons are also prohibited from causing or conspiring to cause U.S. persons to wittingly or unwittingly violate U.S. sanctions, as well as engaging in conduct that evades U.S. sanctions. OFAC may impose civil penalties for sanctions violations on a strict liability basis. OFAC’s Economic Sanctions Enforcement Guidelines provide more information regarding OFAC’s enforcement of U.S. economic sanctions. In addition, financial institutions and other persons may risk exposure to sanctions for engaging in certain transactions or activities involving designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any designated or blocked person, or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.

The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN List), but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish, but to bring about a positive change in behavior. For information concerning the process for seeking removal from an OFAC list, including the SDN List, or to submit a request, please refer to OFAC’s guidance on Filing a Petition for Removal from an OFAC List.

Marriott International Wins Court Battle Over Maasai Mara Safari Camp in Kenya
Environmentalist alleged Ritz-Carlton luxury lodge blocked migration route of wildebeest and zebra.

NAIROBI—A Kenyan court dismissed a lawsuit by a Maasai leader who sought to demolish a Ritz-Carlton luxury safari camp, alleging it blocked a key route of the famous Serengeti migration.

The court this week sided with Marriott International, owner of the Ritz-Carlton brand, the Kenyan camp’s owner-operator Lazizi Mara and the Kenyan government over Meitamei Olol Dapash, who brought the lawsuit.

Dapash, an elder of the Maasai ethnic group and head of the Maasai Environmental Resource Coalition, had argued the new camp stands at a critical point on the Sand River where wildebeest and zebra cross as they move from Tanzania’s Serengeti National Park to Kenya’s Maasai Mara National Reserve and adjacent conservancies in search of grass.

The owner of the Ritz-Carlton camp, which charges upward of $3,500 per guest per night during peak season, denied the allegations, saying it had secured necessary approvals from Kenyan authorities.

“We remain committed to full environmental compliance, responsible stewardship, and constructive engagement with regulatory authorities and local stakeholders,” Lazizi Mara said after the court announced its decision.

In her ruling, the judge said Dapash should have taken the dispute to an environmental tribunal before going to court. She also ruled he hadn’t provided enough initial evidence to justify an order halting the camp’s operations, while Lazizi Mara had presented the required environmental licenses and proof that it had consulted with the Maasai community about the development.

Dapash didn’t respond to requests for comment on the ruling.

In response to questions, Marriott issued a statement Saturday saying it “is committed to integrity, transparency, and respect for the environments and communities in which hotels under our brand operate.”

Dapash himself had attempted to withdraw the lawsuit in December, citing ongoing talks with the developers. However, the court said the case touched on matters of public interest and should continue to play out.

Lazizi Mara also asked for the case to proceed, saying it would give the camp a chance to reverse the reputational damage it had suffered amid online furor over the suit.

Tensions between development and conservation have been growing in the Maasai Mara, where the number of camps and lodges, many built along scenic rivers, has nearly doubled over the past decade.

Kenyan authorities introduced a 2023 moratorium on new construction in response to concerns over poorly regulated development in the 580-square-mile reserve. However, the government granted the Ritz-Carlton camp an exemption from the directive, calling the move necessary to attract investors.

Supporters of the development say it generates jobs and tax revenue, while conservationists fear the developments may stifle the very spectacle hundreds of thousands of tourists visit to see each year.

U.S. Immigration Deportees Held in Secret #African Detention Facility.

Uganda—Fifteen migrants the U.S. deported to Cameroon in recent weeks are being held in prisonlike conditions at a secret detention facility, according to lawyers for some of the deportees.

The individuals are barred from leaving or receiving visitors. Plainclothes security officers guard the detention center, a Ministry of Social Affairs office building in Yaoundé, the capital of the Central African country.

Cameroonian police this week arrested four journalists—including three on assignment for the Associated Press, an American news agency—who entered the compound to interview the migrants, according to the AP and their lawyers. The AP said one journalist was slapped after being detained, but didn’t receive serious injuries.

The first nine deportees arrived at Yaoundé airport from a Louisiana detention center last month. Eight more, including migrants from Ghana, Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone and Senegal, arrived Monday, according to Cameroonian lawyer Joseph Awah Fru, who represents about half of the group.

Two Moroccan women chose to be deported from Cameroon to their home country, leaving 15 migrants spending their days inside dormitories, some in tears, according to lawyers and local activists.

“They are in distress,” said Fru. “They don’t have any identification documents on them. Many did not even know they were being brought to Cameroon.”

Under U.S. immigration law, migrants judged to be in danger of persecution in their home countries would only be sent to a third country if an immigration court issues a special order to that effect. A U.S. lawyer working with Fru says a court had previously barred the government from sending the migrants to their home countries, and the government did not give them the required opportunity to contest deportation to Cameroon.

A State Department spokesperson did not address questions from The Wall Street Journal about the legal status of the migrants being held in Yaoundé.

Being in the U.S. illegally is a civil offense under American law, and not punishable by imprisonment.

Alma David, the U.S. attorney working with Fru, said their clients had demonstrated to a U.S. immigration court that they faced a greater-than-50% chance of being persecuted back home. The court, David said, then issued orders, called “withholding of removal,” barring the government from sending them home.

“The U.S. deported them to Cameroon without giving them notice, or—for those who were given notice—without giving them an opportunity to explain why they were afraid of being sent there,” David said. “Cameroon clearly does not want them there.”

Fru accompanied a small group of journalists to the facility this week.

As the journalists interacted with the migrants, uniformed police barged in and detained the lawyer and four journalists. Police confiscated their cameras, laptops and phones.

A freelance journalist who was outside when the officers arrived described the arrests as “brutal.”

Police accused the journalists of illegally obtaining sensitive government information, according to Fru, who also represents the journalists. The journalists were released after hours in custody, but the police are still holding their equipment, Fru said.

A police spokesman couldn’t be reached for comment.

Neither the U.S. nor Cameroonian governments has revealed the terms of any agreement to house U.S. deportees. “We have no comment on the details of our diplomatic communications with other governments,” a State Department spokesperson said.

When news of the deportees’ presence broke, some Cameroonians took the opportunity to criticize the government of 93-year-old President Paul Biya, now serving his eighth five-year term.

“Paul Biya has turned the country into a receptacle for African migrants expelled by Donald Trump—none of whom are Cameroonian and thus were sent against their will to Yaoundé,” Nathalie Yamb, a prominent Cameroonian activist, posted on social media.

Cameroon’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs couldn’t be reached for comment. In a telephone conversation in November, Biya and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio discussed deepening the partnership between their countries, according to the U.S. side.

Exclusive: Rwanda’s Paul Kagame recently called Sen. Lindsey Graham to help block potential White House sanctions over a broken Trump-brokered peace deal. Graham made the case, and the sanctions were shelved.

#Nigeria and #Kenya are emerging leaders of #Africa’s electric mobility drive, as local firms begin assembling electric vans and taxis from Chinese-made kits

Grace Mugabe ‘fears being arrested’ if she returns to SA to support her son